I have translated the first half of bishop Isho'yahb's Epistle #43 from Google Translate of Rubens Duval's Latin, although I made some cursory effort against the Syriac which I'm still learning. Then there's the Scott-Moncrieff summary, of "XLI"; we were promised a "part 2" with the full English but I cannot find it. I could go on, but I don't care to - as I'll explain.
As to that "why bother" question - sorry to say, I was chasing a wild goose. Iskandar Bcheiry wrote a book a few years back about Isho'yahb's relations with the "Muslim Arabs"- actually a misnomer, because they were Tayyayé who called themselves muhajirs. I am in a mood lately to investigate all the sectarian ferment of the East Syrian milieu. In that light, when pages 88-9 discussed a group of heretical ascetics
, I thought we might be dealing with something other than the standard protoMuslim shultané or Athanasius' rival Had-Qnoma hierarchy at Tikrit installed AG 935-40. The only way through was to explicate the entire surrounding passage which Bcheiry excerpted (I have left his words in place, mostly just removing his brackets).
Bcheiry's context for these heretics is within pp. 84-95. This chapter's sequence: #39 first, then #44, 43, 46, 48, to culminate in #49 with the heretics' defeat. Beyond #39, 44, 48 at p. 65 (then #49) Bcheiry seems unmarried to the exact pre-#49 sequence; pp. 79-80 sets #39, 43, 44, 46, 48, 49. Bcheiry does not argue why #43 should belong here. Anyway in all of them, the Catholic Throne is still in Seleucia, and not in Beth Garmay where Gabriel still holds court. #44 and #49 are to Gabriel.
So I must make some argument instead.
For a start the heretics of letter #43 are ministers of God's salūs just like Isho'yahb, except false. This implies the sacraments, implying further a parallel Christian hierarchy. These are not mere "ascetics".
Also #43 notes other eggarat letters. First is a letter from Yazdnan to our bishop, which we may no longer own. More vital is the episcopal side-letter to the archimandrite Mar Hnanisho, dealing with wider matters. Duval, fortunately for us, sports an index to the Latin p. 210 (pagina in Roman font, line# in Italic):
- Hnaniso', 19, 17.
- Hnaniso', archimandrita, 14, 31.
- Hnanlso', archimandrita, 60, 26; 65, 29.
- Hnaniso', episc., 100, 9.
- Hnaniso', monachus. 8, 31.
- Hnaniso', monachus, 71, 4.
I suggest also the summaries, remembering to increment its enumeration by one (1, I, &Aleph; . . .) to align with Duval.
I am pretty sure that #10 (p. 14) is the eulogy - this Mar Hnaniso' had fought "heresies" - so #10 belongs with #43/#44 and postdates them. #4 (p. 14) addressed to "father" Mar Hnaniso' only commiserates with common temporal afflictions. In most of the rest, like p. 65 = #44 ("XLII"), the archimandrite is mentioned offhand as in #43 (p. 60). But.
Bcheiry himself has a letter to Hnanisho that fits, albeit addressed to others beside. It is #48 (p. 71 ="XLVI"), concerning the monks of Mount Alfâf [UPDATE 2/10: having rebelled in #26]. They are now Theopaschite and encroach upon the town Bet-Babî. Among the other names here is one Qamisho which name currently rules the monastery at Mount Abha. Suppose for Hnanisho we identify the archimandrite p. 60 (&c.) with the "monk" p. 71 (who is not actually named as a monk). Why else would Isho'yahb even address these men?
The most economical setting for #43 is, then, alongside #48. The only reason #43 doesn't deal with the rival ministers' doctrine is because this letter goes out to a saecular authority. Yazdnan is, as the Arabs will come to call them, a dehiq or a shahrij - see Chase Robinson, Empire and Elites. The Tayyayé of Bet-Babi (#48) go unmentioned as such but the Tikriti shultanate (#44) has emerged after a period of upheaval. This could be the Iranian civil-struggle in the wake of Kawad II Shiroë's death (pp. 41-2). But if the Miaphysites (heavily Semitic) are pushing against elites with names like "Yazdnan" (Iranian), I should not bet on that.
FIEY 4/15/23: E. XLIII is footnoted ch. IV, p. 329 in French; only for the epistle-piracy.
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