On Epistles 42 and 45

These two letters #42 and #45 go together. Both refer to the uniting of a town without a bishop, and a bishop without a town; under a metropolitan who may or may not agree with uniting them. #42 delivers the content (eventually). But, whilst everyone was awaiting word from the metropolitan - Cyriacos of Nisibin - or, perhaps, waiting for him to wade through Ishoʿyahb's bloated prose: the city Balad went ahead to have their chosen bishop carry out his duties anyway. That other bishop agrees with their choice in #45, and blesses them all; albeit is a mite worried about the precedent set. (Which, he doesn't say, is the precedent of Armenians and of Mar Mattai.)

Scott-Moncrieff delivered fair summaries for "XL" and "XLIII". #42 is, indeed, full of "eloquence" so, I confess, about after the second please I left my translation to Google. As for #45 I saved my efforts for the second paragraph onward.

Ishoʿyahb knows the catholicos in the royal city, still Mahoze / Seleucia, as famed among "foreigners". Not - I must point out - pagans or impious or Persians or even Tayyaye. For his Nisibene audience those foreigners would be the Greeks. So this letter was issued after the embassy to Aleppo to which, we have noted, Cyriacos was a direct party. #42 also should precede the Catholicate moving to Bet-Garmay but then, I expect Cyriacos himself won't live to see that, either. Mahoze looks like still the royal city, although these letters don't say which royal.

As style goes Ishoʿyahb in #42 abases himself in keeping with the post-#15 corpus. He doesn't bow nearly so low in #45 but then, the Baladenes haven't exactly worked within the rules - so the properly-installed bishop doesn't much want this town with its selfmade man to put on further airs.

I do not know if Ishoʿyahb from this point of Ninevene history answers to Cyriacos. I actually suspect he might. Once Cyriacos is out, Nisibis has no metropolitan. We shall see Ishoʿyahb address other letters upstairs up different stairs - like Beth Garmay. As usual, Mar Paul of Arbela isn't mentioned; #42 does note a Paul but he seems a man of the past.

How a bishop got consecrated without a see is a... good question. Ishoʿyahb #42 hints at a scandal. The Baladenes presumably know, too - and don't care. The best answer is that the man had a see but lost it. The real scandal, then, is little more than the loss of his appointed see, itself.

The migratory bishop's name is Maruzan. Based on Maruzan's name his parents were Iranian. I do not read that the Tayyaye were those who turfed him out. The Had-Qnoma is more likely: if a mountain site I am tempted to see Sinjar, after George's disgrace from there. Points to the Oriental Church for the effort.

AG 942-5, I think.

DAMNATIO MEMORIAE 3/27: The Baladenes kept a diptych: Vosté 150 > Mingana 564 > Brock 1971 10.1484/J.ABOL.4.02898. Mar Paul is remembered, as is local-boy-made-good future Ishoʿyahb II. Maruzan is NOT remembered; Ishoʿyahb is followed by Sisan then Gabril. Note that this MS acknowledges Cyriacos for overlord, which not all Nisibenes will stomach. This diptych smells like something imposed from above. I cannot see metro' Isaac or his popes Maremmeh or Ishoʿyahb III imposing this memory upon Balad; it all has the stink of Catholicos George.

FIEY 4/16/23: E. XLII and XLV are summarised ch. V, p. 18 in French, looking back.

Isho'yahb to Balad

[Ishoʿyahb of Nineveh to Metropolitan Cyriacos of Nisibis, letter #45]

The things you wrote to me, brothers, I read, and I thanked our Lord for your zeal in religion. However, with the astonishment of the doubt I was very much anxious, when I was suddenly turned into the joy of achievements: the tide of your present enthusiasm, as it seems, is infinite to prepare you for a spiritual curator during the time of universal negligence. But simplicity is also an endless impulse towards things which keep order from the ancient laws. In that matter, the petition goes even to simplicity; and in this, even to simplicity, the obedience of the whole community, that is, of the leaders of the community. Therefore, my friends, even to the end of things, the excitement of your love is both pleasant and formidable to me. For I do not yet know in what manner the things which have now happened through you are judged equally by the leader of the ecclesiastical government, or even by the rulers of the community. This thing is certainly new. How was it seen by the Baladenes? But who has shown that it is possible, which had been approved by no one? Whence they met each other in such an encounter as both a city needing a bishop, and a bishop in need of a city, and a people harmonious in person, and the person content with the people, so that, being carried away by the tide, they came to meet one another. But when one considers these things, the unambiguous mind is poured out even to the demonstration of things, that is, to the perfect end, as I have said.

We must, therefore, be careful lest the people regret what it has done, nor lest any person grieve from the consensus, nor lest the metropolitan [Cyriacos] be much moved to disturb someone, or he ought to be disturbed when things have been done. Nor lest the report of those things which you have committed should be conveyed to our father patriarch [the Catholicos], with a change of opinion, through others. But pay particular attention to every one that is owed to him: honor to whom honor, to whom love is love, to whom obedience is obedience, to whom supplication is thanksgiving, and to our father our patriarch, above all, knowledge of deeds. There are known, indeed, both the censures and the praises of the affair; and, to speak briefly, they are as follows: the bishop whom you have chosen is beautiful; The people who chose him are also beautiful; There is a fair concord in the election, which was established by the whole people, and even among the people by the newcomers; The impulse of your anxiety is also beautiful, because you did not shudder to request a spiritual guide for you at the time when honesty is scorned by many. It is also a beautiful great work, which you have received by sending supplications to the metropolitan, or even to his intercessors. But it is not fair, I think, to be hurried into your power by the impulse of a study of such affairs; nor is it fair, namely, in the simplicity of the virtue of love, to be despised by any ecclesiastical order, which flows from the ancient canonical tradition and demands consistent consent from all the assemblies of the Church.

But if it is easy, brethren, to cure a stumbling-block, which has befallen the fathers of the community on account of such an incongruity, or even will happen, do whatever seems best to you without contempt. For it is necessary to meditate on this before you embark on work. Finish your appointment.

May the Lord open the gate of his peace before you everywhere, and uphold you by the spirit of his wisdom to heal the consciences that need medicine. Let the virtue of your supplication of God, with the help of your help, bring with you to unanimity and concord and charity your metropolitan and all the fathers of the community; and the episcopal see of your city is to be established in a proper manner; and over it in truth, as the dear priest whom you have chosen to sit in the tabernacle of the Lord. Let the joyful Spirit of the Lord lead him into the path of life, to seek out justice, incite justice, and purify the sins of the people for long years in holiness. The Lord rejoice in his works. Let the people's soul rejoice in him. May his strength increase in virtue. May the people flourish with their prayers. May the peace of your city flourish. Harmony full of charity abounds in all the ranks of your church. May God's right help protect you from all kinds of damage every day. Be strengthened and sanctified, so that you may keep his commandments at any time during all the days of your life. Amen!

Isho'yahb to Cyriacos

[Ishoʿyahb of Nineveh to Metropolitan Cyriacos of Nisibis, letter #42]

Better, O Father, is a small peace in the church of God, for a good man than other good men, if it succeeds. Better for the church of God, by the multitude of other auxiliaries, a small concord among the priests of God, even if a little one, when he is well moved by charity. For through it, that is, through the prosperity of the Church, the confirmation of the worldly works is administered by the works of God's mercy. But through this, that is, through priestly concord, the confirmation of the glory of God is rendered distinguished by the praise of diligent tongues; God, who is said to be the charity of the Spirit by all men, and especially by the Scriptures. I do not know with what wings, as it were, flying swiftly through the clouds, and dragging the searchers uninjured, by the force of his sweetness; Others, however, who were tried by adverse circumstances, having made their petitions in vain, turned them to extraordinary hope, and found a good measure of help for their desire, namely, the commendable familiarity of my lowliness with your Paternity, which God has established so great a familiarity with the help of charity of your perfect wisdom.

Therefore, before many others who are likely to come, if they had already experienced the success of my low status at your Paternity, the small sons of your fatherhood were preceded by me enjoying your charity and those who gently pasture the extremities of the desert, and rest near the mild waters of paradise, flowing down from that fountain which proceeds toward Assyria. He very often succeeds happily on their side; for once upon a time the metropolis, which is today ruled by the solicitude of your fatherhood, gave [to Balad] a famous curator, who was the admirable Paul, suasor of kings and illustrious for the truth of the word; now again, a little before and today, even before our eyes, she [Balad] has sent a distinguished embellishment to the royal city and patriarchal seat [Ishoʿyahb II], whose virtues even foreigners are compelled to proclaim in praise.

Those who happened, as I have said, to be so lucky, have now turned their thoughts toward a common friend, our honored brother Maruzan, the bishop, and begged that he should be temporarily appointed over them. But when their hope had not advanced into easy preparation, they languished in cowardice, and were pained. But when they had gained hope — and what they had gained was near — it was reported to me that I could do this on account of the eagerness of the charity of your fatherhood toward me; Overcome with the fervor of my mind and confident in the attitude of your Paternity toward me, I gratefully accepted the task to be approached with a son's conscience, to persude your Paternity as far as I can, but not as much as it should be. For it were fitting for me to stand before you on this account, and to do whatever the matter might require; but I cannot, as it is well known. I can only offer you a letter within sight as time allows.

Therefore, please, please, honor your love, Father, please fill in the petition of your sons in good conscience. Give also a rest to my ignominy, lest I say it, praise me on this subject; which thing you cannot resist in any way, for it is beautiful and praiseworthy in the sight of all. The divine levy went before the human levy. What could we add on our own? But if there is anything divine in pain, as the physicians say, or the works are subject to human care, it is easy, I think, to hold both. For if in a good conscience your Paternity refuses the meaning of this sort, because that person has obtained the honor of an undesirable person, and it is not fitting that it should be diminished in a vile place"; rather, it increases as long as it desires less; nor does he diminish the gift of the claimed donor; but when he increases it, while he listens to his prayers before prayer. Again, it is also most worthy of the honor of your fatherhood that sons should be fathers for you, and that the metropolis of others be ordained among your small disciples.

But if, not on account of this, but on account of the impassibility of the person, the reason for not arguing for the reason of not assenting, for it must necessarily be reckoned one of two things, how could we be persuaded of this in many peoples and famous states, where the testimony of the usefulness of a man is proclaimed in many languages? I will also say this: even if that man did not enjoy so great a prowess, which is preached by all his family members, but was otherwise held by God, yet he is considered attractive by men, so much so that he is said to be fit by all his family members; when it is not manifest to men; nor is it easy, I think, for all men to conceive such a false opinion of a man of whose integrity they have already received testimony from many proofs. But if again, this refusal of the consent of your fatherhood regards not all such deficiencies but of course common to us all as an obstacle to this ordinance, but which of us will escape the danger? Who can say: "My heart is clean and I am pure from sin"? Or whose confidence does not secretly crush the conscience of his sins? I indeed think sincerely of myself that I am worthy of neither heaven nor earth, and never wash my hands unconditionally when I go about the altar of the Lord. Now I also confess myself unworthy of the divine mercy; I am a wretched man, prostrated by passions. But the benevolence of God bears me much. But the church of God also looks at me with a merciful eye. But neither do honorable men nor those of the divine despise my vileness. For indeed every wise intellect knows how to endure other people's weaknesses rather than their own. Thus it is our interest to live in such a way with others and with respect to the church of God.

I think, honored Father, when you have been able to get to know more important things from these, and even more so, you will be instructed by those who have learned the subject. It is not, however, fair or superior, to change the opinion of scandal by force of speech. For how could he not be changed, and especially from the swift tongues? They would soon call the business itself by a horrendous name, namely envy, and would trouble both you and us and the whole mind of the community. Perhaps the scandal might even fall outside the pastures of the church. Who could live, or who would not be compelled to make a daily excuse, if he possessed the conscience which is shaken by the reproach?

Of course, Father, I'll find grace in your sight. Receive with your father's conscience the speech of my lowliness, and by the strength of your wisdom make the extraordinary accomplishment of your urgent business. The gentle desire of your beautiful children. Take care of your small flock in an instant. To impart also the glory of my humbleness to the acceptance of my speech, so that in future events I may gain trust in the intimacy of today, and full of confidence, and with the help of God, I may help others also with the help of your Fatherhood, and may increase the honor of your Fatherhood among others and before many who will be in that present moment. For he, to whom the care of two metropolis has been twice entrusted, can guide this small and peaceful diocese by the grace of God and the help of your Fatherhood completely and without offense; they desire good for the sake of religion, and grow to the glory of God; who by his mercy render the honor of your Fatherhood distinguished in his church throughout all the days of your life, amen!

Mar Elijah

Ishoʿdnah #19 (in a hurry, so tr. from Fr., lightly-corrected):

Concerning Mar Elia who founded the monastery in the mount of Mosul - He was from Hirta, city of the Arabs. After having studied ecclesiastical sciences in the church of his village, he went with great eagerness to [the monastery] Mar Abraham on Mount Izla, and took the monastic habit. He then left and came to Mosul. He climbed a nearby mountain, and lived in solitude there. When the number of brothers increased, Mar Elia built the hêkla. He did wonders like the Apostles. He migrated to his Lord when he was over a hundred years old. They laid him in the little martyrion he had built. May his prayer [protect] the sinful writer.

Ishoʿdnah elsewhere knows the city Mosul as founded upon that Hesna ʿEbraya which was then just a fort. So this is the same Elia as in Guidi's Khuzestan #19: [and Mar] Elia who built the monastery on the Tigris by Hesna ʿEbraya. (We are here doing a sight better than we were with al-Haditha earlier today.)

Hêkla is Sumerian E-GAL of course, the Big House. Usually the Semites interpreted this as "palace". Chabot went with "church". I suspect something like this was what Ishoʿyahb III will build for Bet-Abe.

As to when: Guidi's chronicle set Mar Elia alongside Mar Jacob and Mar Babay Nisibene, so implied the time of Babay the Great in Izla - early AD seventh century / AG tenth. Ishoʿyahb III will mention a couple Elia's; p. 245 l.4 is a priest (q-sh). Although I doubt our Elia lived this long and he ain't just a priest. UPDATE 3/8: ... and he taught Mar Hnanishoʿ, an Ishoʿyahb contemporary and probable friend.

Al-Haditha's monastery

Saliba mentioned one Melekishoʿ for the late AD 640s, as the sahib dayri'l-Hadîtha. The al-Haditha I recall is the upriver Iraqi town which the US Army made infamous, followed by Rep. John Murtha poisoning any chance of getting an actual accounting over who did what and why. But anyway. Syriac!

Ishoʿdnah occasionally notes a city translated "Hadeth" in French, which EW Budge and Addai Scher both pronounced Hdhatta, both from the same Syriac consonants: 54, 108, 116, 122. It sounds like Ἔδεσσα with the dyosigma swapped for dyotau, as Greeks do. Obviously this is far too easterly to be Şanlıurfa; I'll leave to others if some Macedonian founded this town by Edessa's name.

... nah, I'll just leave that idea in the bin where it belongs. I expect the name went Hdhêtha > Hadhîtha (alif, but probably not maqsura; al- then-optional) > al-Hadîthah (marbuta). "Hdhêtha" here, then. Budge was famously amateurish; just ask Stargate.

Ishoʿdnah starts with Titus UPDATE 3/6 whom another post will cover. Bishop Zoke is #108, follower of Afnimaran. #116 is the account of John of Daylam - not a bishop (this post shall cover #122). Thomas of Marga notes a later bishop Solomon; involving Ishoʿyahb III's memory, but that one's surviving letters don't mention any of the above.

As for "Melekishoʿ", um. It means something: "Jesus is King". Ishoʿdnah #122 does note, finally, a monastery at Hdhêtha: Hnanishoʿ built this. Did Saliba intend Hnanishoʿ?

Fiey, "Ichoʿdnah, métropolite de Basra", 438-47 (apud Hoyland n. 137) noted that Ishoʿdnah's work, further, has made his own odyssey through the manuscripts. There is, Fiey claimed, an epitome of the "Book Of The Chaste" which noted that Ishoʿdnah had written about the heretics. We can assuredly ponder Mar Mattai, going toward Mount Alfâf of which Ishoʿdnah is well aware. So are we dealing with a Had-Qnoma monastery?

Sometimes this blog has answers. (Maybe TOO many times.) This is not one of those times.

MYSTERY SOLVED 3/6: Ishoʿdnah #98 knows the name: Rabban Melekishoʿ of Nine-of-ʿElam. This, obviously, stands nowhere near al-Haditha... in the ʿIraq, and I hadn't sussed it a week ago. To that Siʿrt #111 has the details: it's near Gundeshapor (Béṯ Lāpāṭ) and they called it ʿUmr al-Hadîth. This in turn is a misunderstanding for ʿûmra hadta which just means "new convent".

The next mystery is: when was it built. Siʿrt ain't good with numbers. Siʿrt #111 sits between Athanasius' sending of John to Alfâf and the secondary "Melkite" disciples of Hnana of Hidyab. Late AD 640s is possible; we're about to read about Ishoʿyahb III, if that MS extended so far.

The Majdal

The Majdal is a... well, it is a mess. At least two versions have survived in synopsis.

We are fortunate that each public-domain first shot at publication, by Gismondi, firstly dealt with the interesting bit - the Patriarchs - and secondly did its translation into a Western language, namely O-Level Latin. The "other" part came first 1897, credited to ʿAmr and Ṣalībā; this was "prior'ed" 1899, to Mari. Here I am attempting Bo Holmberg's thesis (pdf).

Holmberg promised, with Samir Khalil Samir and Youssef Habbi, to continue to edit the full Majdal, presumably the "Mari" part. Samir poked his head up 2011 to report that Habbi had died before even starting and that Holmberg was continuing with his part. More East-Christian vapourware! to go with Scott-Moncrieff's English Ishoʿyahb. Please, Mar-Emmanuel; do not deny us the full Bar Penkaye.

Georg Graf's "history of Christian Arabic literature" (GCAL in German, II.201f.) claimed the Majdal(-ayn) as, in this part, a cleanup of Siʿrt's mishmash as pertinent to the Catholicoi. Siʿrt, presently, only exists I think in Addai Scher's publication and (faulty) translation - also French, and dependent upon Gismondi. Siʿrt was itself dependent upon the AD tenth-century Melkite Constans Loukides (Qusta bin Luqa), who wrote in ʿArabi; although Siʿrt also had access to direct Suryaya material, mostly Oriental. Yesterday I found the Majdal in parallel with at-least questionable lore in Addai Scher's Siʿrt; dependence upon Siʿrt would explain this. It would also absolve Scher's Siʿrt from the distrust heaped upon Mingana's Arbela - we can forgive Scher for glossing the French, as long as he never glossed the Arabic without footnote.

If we ignore Gismondi for "ʿAmr" then Mari came from a seven-chapter (-volume) work; Ṣalībā, from a five-volume work. The former was from MS Vatican ar. 109 (which Assemani knew, and is bad); aided by a copy therefrom in Paris (BNF ar. 190, which Holmberg mismarked "ar. 109" at first) and both via a sideline from Mosul. For the latter, five-volume work: MS Vatican neophyt. 41. Assemani here had an inferior MS, ar. 110, which Graf disliked and which the Vatican hasn't posted online; meanwhile Holmberg has misfiled the good MS, "neof. 54". Sigh.

For Mari, Holmberg cites [BNF] ar. 190 most - which Butrus held as the oldest survival. Holmberg let Butrus' claim stand so as to trash Butrus' general argument, that this is autograph. It is no such thing. Elsewhere Holmberg argues it isn't even oldest although, it does stand as the best-preserved.

This one along with Vat. ar. 109 actually continue the Patriarchal part of Majdal [past Mosul?]. Holmberg will allow "Mari bin Sulayman" only as applicable to this continuator, perhaps as a corrector to earlier parts - but Holmberg doubts this, or at least doubts Mari did any good. Holmberg prefers to pin ʿAmr bin Matta as the original author but to date him to the AD eleventh-century.

The five-volume work is, then, Ṣalībā's original composition but, yes, AD 1332. Holmberg does not think Ṣalībā used ʿAmr as Mari outright extended ʿAmr. If Ṣalībā looks like ʿAmr, that is only because both used Siʿrt. Or so I gather.

As you can see, where I was competent to check Holmberg, I found two spaces where he misfiled manuscripts and one space where he hinted at something his thesis doesn't even believe (contra Butrus, "for the sake of argument" would have sufficed). This makes me worry about the remainder.

But onto the two Majdal transmissions. Siʿrt although post-Qusta and pre-ʿAmr infamously ends at an Ishoʿyahb who isn't Ishoʿyahb II. This leads to suspect that one may reconstruct Siʿrt: on Ishoʿyahb III, plus George, plus Ṣalībāzeka - by way of synopsis between these strands. It would be nice to have a critical Majdal for this project, but for us Siʿrtis we only need Gismondi.

Mar Mattai's sixth-century

Michael the Syrian transmits a record of this mountain before Mar John came to these monks. So does this manuscript, which makes me wonder which came first.

The community was founded in time immemorial. Under "metropolitan" Bar-Sahde, Barsauma "the Nestorian" had the monastery burned and Bar-Sahde killed. Barsauma was a Nisibene schoolmaster and not acting under Catholical orders. Later the Armenian catholicos Christopher had it re-founded, I guess because the Church Of The East still had no real sway itself this far north. Christopher kept its name "Mar Mattai" and used locals, rather than Armenians, starting with one "Garmay" or maybe "Gmiri" (the MSS vary).

Michael surmises from all this that under the restored Catholicate of Acacius, rather under its nose, Mar Mattai continued to elect its own abbots for those loyal to the Council of Ephesus against Chalcedon. This, says Michael, because the Armenians could not venture Antioch anymore "for fear of the Persians" - and neither could Mar Mattai. Michael might not be my sort of Christian but he is assuredly my sort of historian.

The Alfâmonks boast that their abbots acted as shadow-metropolitans for Ephesus in the East until Christopher, who accepted Mar Athanasius as the Ephesian pope. Christopher submitted his monastery's subordination further to his former pupil Maruta now ensconced (more or less) in Tikrit. I, myself, am not seeing Mar Mattai's importance in contemporary literature, until and except what importance John in AG 936 provided to it.

Michael transmits a list of Mar Mattai's superiors: after Garmay, Mari. Then Ishoʿzeka. After Ishoʿzeka, Mar Sahda then Shimʿon - then the final Christopher.

Maremmeh as bishop?

Siʿrt #108 on Catholicos Maremmeh - from Addai Scher's French. (We'll get to the Arabic.)

This Father was originally of Arzun; after completing his studies at the Nisibene school, he enrolled as a monk in the convent of Mar Abraham [at Izla] where he dwelt in a cell without leaving it. At some point he was named bishop of Nineveh. The patriarch Ishoʿyahb his predecessor [II] wrote to the inhabitants of Gundeshapor, who had asked him for a metropolitan for their region, on making the elegy on this Father's virtues, who had been bishop of Nineveh. So they requested to the Catholicos to establish him their metropolitan; so he made him come [to Mahoze] and consecrated him. He governed the see which he occupied with much wisdom. After Ishoʿyahb's death the election picked him, he was ordained patriarch despite his very advanced age. He was good, virtuous and charitable, preoccupied with increasing the number of schools. He was first to command that scholars be girded with a belt, to be distinguished from other young men. ... Some of the historians' community say that he was bishop of Nineveh and that the Muslims worked to make him Catholicos because he had brought them food during their invasion into the land of Mosul for the Futh.

From those ashâb the Majdal ed. Gismondi mentions, upon the death of Catholicos Ishoʿyahb II, AD 645 -

Maremmeh the Arzunite, educated at the Nisibene school, professed monastic life in the monastery of Mar Abraham, whose cell he frequented. He was first appointed Bishop of Nineveh, and soon afterward Mar Ishoʿyahb ordained him the metropolitan of Gondisapor. As an old man of great age, the patriarch was elected by unanimous vote; for his conduct of assistance under the Moslems' campaign in the siege of Mosul, for he had brought corn to them. ...

Mari and/or ʿAmr then carri/es on with one of those "diploma of aman" narratives, here with ʿAli; this need not detain us. Then there's Saliba:

This father was an old man, upright, pious, chaste, caring for alms and the education of the schools. Originating from Arzun. He had been taught in the school of Nisibis, and was a monk in the monastery of Mar Abraham. He was bishop of Nineveh, and afterwards Metropolitan of Gondisapor. [After the death of Ishoʿyahb II] was chosen AG 958, Supp. Easter i. 25. 1, [the first caliphate of ʿUthman] and was ordained patriarch of al-Madain, dressed in a green cloak. He was the first who commanded the priests to wear a garment fastened openly with a girdle, so that they might be distinguished from the rest. ...

We also own Khuzestan ed. Guidi #40 (Latin; again, NOT my translation):

... Maremmeh was appointed as patriarch over the church; he came from the region of Arzon, his village being Qozimas, and he had been appointed metropolitan of Beth Lapat. He had put on the monastic [p.32] habit in the monastery of Mar Abraham of Izla; he was greatly acclaimed both during his solitary life and as metropolitan, and when he had been place on the candelabra of the catholicosate he was held in honour by all the leaders of the Ishmaelites.

These summary biogs are in general agreement. Bēt Lapaṭ in the Bēt Huzāyē, in Syriac; was, to the Iranians, exactly Gondēšāpūr of the Khuzestan. As for "Mar Abraham", upon the later Arabic accounts I am comfortable glossing "of Izla" given Khuzestan in early Syriac. I'm pretty sure Ishoʿyahb of Nineveh agreed. Although yes the Devil hides in translators' glosses. And do keep an eye on that "Nineveh" thing in later Arabic not in earlier Syriac. We're getting to all that.

"Mosul" is an anachronism; Ishoʿyahb III never names it (although Khuzestan knows the name). Ishoʿdnah recalls it in #50 as "the ʿEbraite Fortress", before Islam, although it owned at least one monastery. Either way the Muslims credit its fall to Abdullah ibn Muta'am, late AD 637.

Ishoʿyahb's letter #52 as bishop(?) makes clear that his boss Ishoʿyahb II is still in Seleucia when/where Maremmeh gets his see, tho' neither will tarry there for long. I don't think Salibi is correct that Maremmeh got his Catholicate in Bet-Aramaye. Although, yeah, Thomas of Marga is probably right that George shall hold court back down there, a couple decades later.

Siʿrt (tr. Scher) with Gismondi's Majdalayn are clear upon Maremmeh's appointment over Nineveh, which is difficult given that another Ishoʿyahb is there writing with authority just about all through the AG 940s / AD 630s. Although, AG 941/2 ~ AD 630, we have hints he was "dragged away by necessity" to Seleucia. So let's look at Siʿrt's Arabic.

Scher's sentence Il fut ensuite évêque de Nineve has no corollary in the Arabic. The Arabic goes right from Maremmeh's stint at the Mar Abraham cell to, wa-kâna Ishoʿyahb al-Gâthlîq alladhî qablih, kataba ilâ ahli Gundîshâbûr, lammâ al-tamshû minhu matrânan ʿalâ baladhum, fa-wasafah wa-hasana dabbârah. Only after all that: wa-huwa idh dhâk iskup-Nînuâ. Siʿrt has two glosses here and, instead of critiquing those glosses, Addai Scher its editor simply added a new one. Bad editor, bad!

If one take out Scher's gloss (as Scher should have) and also rethink his translation of alladhî qablih: then Ishoʿyahb al-Gâthlîq could, instead of II, be read as III. Then al-Gâthlîq alladhî qablih means "Catholicos [but] beforehand" and wa-huwa idh dhâk iskup-Nînuâ refers not to the subject of Ishoʿyahb's letter but to its author. This might even be the letter assembled as Ishoʿyahb Arbelene #1.

Scher, I suspect, depends upon Gismondi's Majdalayn: later Arabic, but earlier Latin. Georg Graf's summary argued that the Majdal works, vice-versa if you will, had depended upon Siʿrt (GCAL II 196). I will note, for my part, that the two Arabic excerpts do not seem interrelated. It may be that the error crept into the Majdal lore from Siʿrt's Arabic transmitters already saying the al-Gâthlîq alladhî qablih garble. Gismondi's Majdal ("Mari") complained about how bad its sources are.

The lonely saint of Alfâf

Ishoʿdnah #50:

Saint Bar-Qusrê, who built a monastery in Mosul: His family was from the land of Nineveh. He applied himself to reading books from his youth. He then went to find Mar Job, disciple of Mar Abraham of Nethpar, who founded a monastery in the region of Adiabene. This one gave him the monastic habit and he worked in all humility to serve the brothers. After fifteen years he went to Jerusalem. On his return, he went up to Mount Elpheph, in the land of Nineveh, and dwelt there in a cave. The heretics who lived in this mountain often abused him. He then came to Hesna ʿEbraya, that is to say to Mosul, because at that time the city was not yet built and it was only a very small fortress. Brothers met near him and built a monastery and cells. He emigrated to the Lord, adorned with all the virtues, on the first Sunday of the fast of the Apostles.

To track these people back: Mar Abraham of Nethpar #43 was an author who brought Pachomite practices from Egypt to the monks of Hidyab, the region focused on metropole Arbela (his full life, here). Mar Job's (back)story is #44; neither account is much good for dating events. This Mar Abraham, we do know, is not the one who founded Izla near(er) Nineveh. Sabrishoʿ Rostam told their stories.

Although - there was already a monastery at the Hesna ʿEbraya, built by one Mar Elia from Babai's Izla. (We were pondering the Mosul anachronisms . . .) So why the other one?

Anyway here is Alfâf that nest of heresy of Ishoʿyahb's #48, which for Ishoʿdnah means Athanasius' creatures. Now I must wonder about Epistle #26. Although, #48's "importuned wasp" (tr. Bcheiry) at Bet-Babî is hard to square with Bar-Qusrê here.

Mar John wrecks the Orient

The great bane of the reconstituted Catholicate from AG 940 (AD 628) was the haeresiarch of the Syrians. Andrew Palmer's 1993 selection of west-Syrian chronicles make much of Mar Athanasius, as you can imagine. He followed Julian in AG 915 and after a long career, died 28 July 942 in "Indiction IV" of the Roman tax-cycle, AD 631. So Thomas priest of (probably) Reshʿayna (the AD 819/846 synopsis agrees on the year). The chronicler of Zuqnîn doesn't pin the date, but for AG 955 notes the transfer to John, his "disciple" from the monastery Eusebona, near Aleppo. Most likely John was that bishop of Cyrrhus who came to Mabbug and, possibly, retained his see in this "orthodoxy" - which other bishops could not.

Thomas has John elevated "Indiction V the next year" (AG 943, after October 631); 819/846 has his death AG 960. Dionysius of Tel Mahre like Zuqnîn may have been vague since the 1234 Chronicle slips up here (Palmer, 188).

[SPLIT OUT 5/16/23: John's memory. Needs its own page.]

In the East, they remembered John too ... for helping to mess the place up. Here is Siʿrt #110:

This man, surnamed Camel (Jamal), was patriarch of the Jacobites for fourteen years: He had an intelligent disciple, named John. He sent him to Persia with Maroutha the monk, metropolitan of Tagrit. Athanasius, after his death, was succeeded by this John, who occupied the seat for 17 years. It was he who composed most of the Jacobites' prayers, the mass of the consecration of anointment, the blessing of water and other things.

Denha's biography notes also Maruta's investiture by means of the deceased and thrice blessed patriarch Mar Athanasius, by the order and the choice of the patriarch and by the solicitude of him who was in truth a good heir and a faithful imitator of his master: Mar John, who was patriarch after Athanasius.

Michael the Syrian 11.4 inserts after a saecular chronicle up to AG 945, this:

When the patriarch Athanasius sent John, his syncellus, to the Porte of the Persian king, having finished his business, John journeyed through the country of Athor and Nineveh, and went up to the monastery of Mar Mattai to receive the blessing of the saints who were there. There he met Metropolitan (sic) Christophorus, and he rejoiced to see the doings of the monks there. He talked with them about the restoration (of the union) and (showed them) how weakened they had been since they had separated from the see of Antioch; and they consented to go with him to the patriarch. John took Christophorus and three monks: Marouta, Aha and Aitallaha. — They came to Antioch, in the year 940 of the Greeks, to be ordained bishops by the patriarch. What happened after they arrived, we can learn from the following letter -

This letter by Athanasius relays some words of John Sedra:

But, since our son and syncellus, the friend of God, the priest Mar John has returned to us, he has told us of your love for all the saints and above all for our baseness - your humility, your docility, your patience, your vigils, your long nocturnal stations, your fasting, your abstinence, and, above all, your ardent zeal for the faith; how you were prepared to suffer rather than allow the orthodoxy of the faith to be altered, or the canons to be trampled upon. He has seen in you many times twice what we had heard of you; and we rejoiced in you in these hard times.

Then Athanasius lays it down:

Mar Marouta has been ordained for Tagrit; Aitallaha, for Marga and Gomal; Aha, for lower Péroz-Sabour, and the people of Taiyayê Namirayê. We have ordained Mar Christophorus, Metropolitan for the province of Athor only.

This letter was most famous and may be read in Latin now as well. It was not lost on its editor.

Elias bar Shenaya gives some basics AG 935, crediting Ishoʿdnah of the Mayshanite Furat. Siʿrt #88 tells most:

The Jacobites had no known seats in the Persian Empire where they could establish bishops. Ever since the Emperor Justinian had driven them out, they wandered at random. Athanasius became their leader in the thirty-fourth year of Kosrau which is AG 936 {ed.: Scher footnotes this} and the third of the appearance of the legislator of Islam in al-Madina (peace be upon him). They met in the convent of Mattai in the region of Nineveh, where they established the sees. The first see was Tikrit for which they ordained a metropolitan, Maruta. #2 Bet-'Arbaye, #3 Sinjar . . . [ten in all]

Siʿrt translates Elias' source for Ishoʿdnah's record. Unless it translates Ishoʿdnah's own source. Scher has good reason to distrust Siʿrt's dates and I agree Siʿrt is loose with its sources; pace Scher, I suggest the Syriac intended that Athanasius assumed command over the East in 34 Anno Khosrae. Siʿrt further quotes Athanasius' letter as far as it assured the ʿIraqis that Maruta was Athanasius' "vicar" over them. Oh, and John will remind Maruta of the aforementioned in a later request for more martyrology - adding that one Mar Addai had been Alfâf's archimandrite.

Athanasius, again, styled this one the "Metropolitan", granting said title to Maruta; I still don't see "Maphrian" (yet). Maruta's own successor Denha will plump for AG 940 for this formal installation. Like Bar-Hebraeus.

Inasmuch as Siʿrt #109 claimed that Mar John came to Tikrit and not to Nineveh, these accounts are in conflict. Then there's the year: Michael is like Denha's hagiography of Maruta for AG 940; Siʿrt #88 hits the 34th year of Khusro II like Elias AG 935.

Now: I like Siʿrt and Elias. And only Denha comes remotely from the same timespan. I had last week suspected that one's "AG 940" of being a round number and noted how Denha himself saw Maruta's settlement as slow to attract the Tikritis' respect. But here Siʿrt and Elias compile for the "Enemy" and, in Siʿrt's case, by translation (to Arabic) at that. And Siʿrt #88 implies Athanasius himself went to Mar Mattai, rather than John. Michael's account, transcribed right from Athanasius' Syriac, is to be preferred. Especially since Siʿrt's source had read it!

The Orientals' date will be John's mission to Mount Alfâf, which is really where Siʿrt #88 starts; the Occidentals' date will be the date of Athanasius' letter.

ALSO 4/23: Marianna Mazzola.

Where the Qedarenes ended up

Thomas "the Presbyter", whose brother was one Shimʿon doorkeeper of Qedar upon mount Mardîn, gets most attention by historians of Islam: for his witness AG 945 then 947. Thomas didn't think he was recording Islam; he thought he was recording "the Tayyaye". (He was overall a particularly bad chronicler, but never mind that for now.) AG 945, the Tayyaye of Mahmet routed the Romans; 947, having ravaged both Syria and "Persia" (=al-ʿIraq), they ascended Mardîn. This hilltop had two sites at the time: Qedar and "Bnôtô", as west-Syrians pronounce those vowels.

It turns out the Syrians remembered (1) why the Tayyaye hit those places and (2) whither they all went. Michael the Syrian 11.5:

At that time, the Taiyaye invaded the Persian countries; they went up on the mountain of Marde, near Reshʿayna, and killed many monks in the convent called Qedar and in that of the Bnôtô, because they had been told that they were the spies of the Persians. The few monks who survived [the Bnôtô] came to the wilderness to the west of the river called Baliha: they found a spring there so built a convent near it which they called the convent of Beit Rîshyar, after the archimandrite of the convent of the Bnôtô. (That had been so called because of the "daughters", that is to say the eggs of a bird that Jacob had found, who was the first to inaugurate the convent.)

For their part, those of the monks of the convent of Qedar who survived came to the edge of Callinicum [= al-Raqqa], near a temple where was a column which the Empress Theodora had built. They extended this place and dwelt there; it was [then] called the convent of the Column.

Yes, that is the Empress Theodora. Michael goes on a longer digression next, so long that he must defend his ramble afterward. As for Callinicum, the Muslims today say it was under their jurisdiction already by AD 640ish. Note that Thomas doesn't know where the monks went.

- which I read as, won't tell where they are planning to move. If so Thomas assembled his "chronicle" at Reshʿayna, from whatever documents either Mardîn monks had brought from up there. At a guess Thomas felt he owed to his late brother to epitomise the local records, which Thomas did in a hurry, because the surviving monks were planning to emigrate, being under the Tayyayes' suspicions in Reshʿayna.

NEIGHBOURHOOD WATCH 4 MARCH: As for "spies of the Persians" we may assume that Yazdegerd was preparing Nisibin for opportunism or at least for defence.

On Epistle 29

Epistle #29 went to some "John". This is the sniffiest letter in all Ishoʿyahb's episcopal letters; Philip Scott-Moncrieff, once more, missed the point of "XXVII". Ishoʿyahb is more polite to Lulyan whose letter got to him in error, to Hormizd who has been overly-familiar, to Mar Qamishoʿ to whom he owes nothing - even to the monks of Alfâf. John is a common Christian name, of course; one John is archdeacon of Arbela (#50). Another is a priest and beloved mutual friend of teacher Sergius, who may or may not be John of Qanqal (#33). Way down in Gundeshapur, there's a Metropolitan. None of these look like he'd ever have elicited a slap like #29.

#29's John is far from Nineveh, and Ishoʿyahb doubts they'll be coming any closer in the near future. John may have called upon the ʿIraqi bishops for a friendly chat, before - then being "in the area", as it were. When Ishoʿyahb solicits prayer, as is his wont, he might allude to John's talent for composing such - but Ishoʿyahb offers no ear for its content, not for its own sake. Ishoʿyahb certainly doesn't consider himself "vile" or "infirm" or "debilitated" by contrast to this guy.

Best time for #29 is after October AD 631. The Aleppo summit has concluded. John of Cyrrhus is newly (anti)pope, Maruta is his catspaw in Tikrit, and Mount Alfâf is ready to be stirred up once more. Over the ʿIraq Queen Boran with general Rostam may still rule... for now.

FIEY 4/16/23: E. XXIX footnoted ch. II, p. 312 in French.

Isho'yahb to John

[Isho'yahb of Nineveh, #29]

Desire is called by everybody the movement of thought which wants the meeting of friends. We have exhausted this desire for many years to you in vain, and now it is ailing. Therefore, let us not go into the same stakes with imperfect hope, nor you continue to give us the vain promises of an unfaithful coming. But leave to the time what is his, and peace be with you. Pray for me from afar, as it is fitting for you to do so. For urgent matters send mail. Vale.

The pestilence at Bet-Garmay

Ishoʿdnah's summary of Mar Sabrishoʿ was scrambled, adding "oh right he was a metropolitan" after the record of his death. To that Siʿrt #109 reads better, although lacking (or postponing) the monastery Babta de Mahôzê. Here, after the Metropolitan cures the demons:

The plague invaded the region of Beith Garmai; he made Rogations for a whole week, as David did in the days of the children of Israel, and God made the plague disappear; it is these Rogations which took the name of Rogation of the Ninevites. Its commemoration is made on the feast day of these Rogations, which is Thursday. May his prayers be with us.

Siʿrt implies the plague happened under wali/amir ʿUtba... and after Maremmeh ordained Sabrishoʿ metropolitan. Note that Sabrishoʿ's tenure must start after AD 646.

Siʿrt #106 implies ʿUtba is Ibn Ghazwân conqueror of Mayshan "second year of ʿUmar" (the twelve moons from 23 August AG 946 / AD 635, on), drifting north. Contra Siʿrt, Hâtim bin Muslim told Ibn Khayyât that Mosul's ʿUtba was Ibn Farqad.

It is, however, possible that the plague happened earlier, and that Sabrishoʿ and Maremmeh simply agreed to write out the Rogation's process. (This is also called the Fast of Nineveh.) The Ḥūḏrā explains all this, so Siʿrt's editor informs us by footnote. I am also directed to a similar plague, and Rogation, under catholicos Ezekiel.

On Epistles 31 and 33

#31 and 33 each address comments relayed by a Sergius: #31 by letter, 33 verbally.

Sergius is called a "teacher" in both; I assume they are the same, and that the original messages came to Ishoʿyahb in the same visit. This means Sergius has come from bishop Sabrishoʿ, addressee of #31. Sergius has been met in #4 and #9. Maybe in the northern bishops' letters AD 612ish. Maybe in Thomas of Marga 1.33.

Mar John... I don't know. Ishoʿyahb of Nineveh #33 seems effusive for a top-down from bishop to lowly qshîsha, which means priest.

Scott-Moncrieff again reads more into these letters than they deserve; Bet-Garmay cannot have a "bishop" on account it already has a full Metropolitan, namely Gabriel, maybe even the Catholicos himself. He is however correct inasmuch Sabrishoʿ's see is probably in Bet-Garmay.

Back to Mar John, I wonder if this priest has more venerability than his stated rank. To that, there's the Arbelene. Dark-horse, Ishoʿdnah #23:

Saint Mar John, founder of Qanqal Monastery. — When Mar Babai the Great was in his monastery, this saint came to find him and placed himself under his direction. He stayed with him for some time. Then he went to Jerusalem and to Scete [in Egypt], and settled in the city of Emesa. For two years he took care of the shrine [containing] the head of John the Baptist; then he was ordained a priest by the Bishop of Emesa. After the death of the bishop, another bishop was ordained. A discord arose between him and the bishop, because the faithful honored him more than the bishop. He came to the city of Arzoun, on the bank of the river called Sarbat, near the village called Qanqal. He had many disciples. Mar John the Baptist appeared to him in a dream and said to him: Return to Emesa; go to the place where my reliquary is, take a relic of the hair of my head, I give it to you myself, and come back to build you a convent in this place. He went as he had been told in that dream, took the hair that the saint had given him, and returned to build a famous monastery. He put the hair in the eastern foundation of the altar. As the time of his death, he called his [spiritual] children and ordered them to place his body at the door of the church, outside, so that whoever came in or out would trample him underfoot, and that out of humility. He emigrated to Our Lord the First of Kanoun I, and his children deposited him at the door of the church, as he had prescribed. May his prayer help the sinful writer.

To slot John the Priest into what I can find of Emesa: he drifted from Mount Izla over to Emesa before AG 920, under Phocas at latest. During Heraclius' first year the Persians came to Emesa and installed Basil. They still allowed "Easterners" - that is, Nestorians - safe passage "home". After Heraclius had secured Emesa for his Christology, two decades later, would have been a good time for John to travel back.

Of interest is that Arzun - whither this John washed up - was one of Athanasius' new sees. But plenty of Nestorians shared the place; many such metropolitans and abbots had their ancestry there. Was this Sabrishoʿ's see?

I also find, at the end of the Yazdshapur letter #20, this: Now the aim is to take care that - as far as possible - our brother the Godloving Mar John over there is encountered as infirm, although there has been no universal, but only partial agreement, and some of them have agreed.

FIEY 4/16/23: E. XXXI, XXXIII footnoted ch. II, p. 312 in French.

Isho'yahb to bishop Sabrisho'

[Isho'yahb of Nineveh, epistle 31]

A little out of the strength of your probation, and a little out of the sight of the first common Father, O God-lover, when one was joined to the other in the preceding year; my weaknesses prepared for the sight of your Charity, by God's grace. From experience a reminder of brief time is good for you, with me every day. I look forward to also in good conscience to become informed about yourself. For scarcely when the son of your Charity, and my brother, Mar Sergius, priest and teacher, came to me; the news of your health calmed my desire a little; and I wished to visit you, with [Sergius'] help, as far as possible, by means of a greeting, persuading you to remember me in prayer before God in the time of the sacrifice which he offers to him for all, so that perhaps I may spend the rest of my life in the will of God. When anyone comes to you who is going to Assyria, may you inform me by letter of your health, that I may be of good cheer. Farewell.

Isho'yahb to John the Priest

[Isho'yahb of Nineveh to his honored beloved Mar John the priest, epistle #33]

One from the beauty of the physical is logic, one from the beauty of the logical is wisdom, one from the beauty of the wise is charity; and the three [proceed] from the gift of divine grace: the first by nature, the second by an institution, and the third by the spiritual law. For this reason he who is brilliantly perfected in that [charity] will be turned in perfect virtue. It is good for him as well who will enjoy this extraordinary selection. When I am held however I am held, the selection has followed the perfection of the selected every time even as it is now. For I have received with a joyous breath that the greeting of your Charity was brought by brother Sergius the teacher, and you have delighted me with the news of your health, as it should; although not by letter, as is fitting. Gladly I thanked the Lord. So may it please you that you do for me at all times what is in keeping with your enthusiasm in me, that you are not embarrassed to pray for me, that perhaps I may spend the rest of my days in life pleasing to the will of God. Farewell, and excel in the love that is your most remarkable possession.

Up Sabrisho', down Sabrisho'

Ishoʿ - "Jesus" - is a common prefix and suffix in the Oriental nomenclature. Sometimes the other side of the name can be common too. Let's look at those Sabrishoʿ's contemporary with Ishoʿyahb of Nineveh: #8 (monk), #33 (bishop). These are divided by what the Syrians called ʿalma, space and time both. Are they yet one parsopon? - if you'll excuse me.

INTERJECT 3/5: First up, the "Holy Cross" monastery in Ishoʿyahb #8 should be identified with the one near Kirkuk, Ishoʿdnah #53. (There's another one up in Bet-Nûhadra about which Ishoʿdnah had more lore. Ishoʿyahb doesn't deal with this one yet, as bishop, as far as I know.)

Later, whilst Ishoʿyahb was of Adiabene, by epistle #18 a Sabrishoʿ had got raised to Metropolitan rank. We may read this one's career in Ishoʿdnah #92:

His family was from Beit Aramayê [downstream of Tikrit]. He studied the Scriptures in the land of Radan. Catholicos Mar Sabrishoʿ made him a lector in his own monastery at Beit Garmai [before AD 604], where he remained for some time. He then departed and went to the mountain of Sche'ran, to dwell, in solitude, in the cave of his master. When the plague ravaged Beit Garmai, he prayed, and the plague was stopped. He built a great monastery in the place called Babta de Mahôzê, which is in the mountain of Basche'ran [or Beit-She'ran]. He left this world and was deposited in the monastery he had built. He had received the laying-of-hands from Catholicos Marammeh to be metropolitan of Beth Garmai.

Siʿrt #109 is similar. For this post it's best just to run excerpts:

This man was from the region of Radan; he studied at the school of Seleucia under Mar Sabrishoʿ catholicos. The latter, having noticed his good works and his orthodoxy, sent him to his convent in Beith Garmai, where he exercised the charge of sacristan and reader until the death of Mar Sabrishoʿ [AD 604]. Some of those who were in the convent having been made envious, he left it and went to the country of Sha'ran, where he remained in the same cave in which Mar Sabrishoʿ catholicos had dwelt; he attached himself to an anchorite, who instructed him in the ascetic life; he devoted himself to fasting and prayer. When the empire of the Persians disappeared and the empire of the Arabs began, his fame spread among the faithful and the dissidents.

[Siʿrt has him then an itinerant monk, defeating various idols and demons]

Then the inhabitants of Beit Garmai chose him to be their metropolitan; he was ordained by Maremmeh. He was very advanced in age; his strength diminished; but he did not wish to renounce his works. Every year he produced six makkouk of barley flour, with which he made small loaves, on which he fed throughout the year; he distributed the rest to the poor; he also gave it to the faithful as a blessing.

[Siʿrt has him expel a demon from ʿUtba the sultan of Bet-Garmay: Hoyland, 189; then the account of plague]

Per Ishoʿdnah #59 - probably from Sabrishoʿ Rostam of Herem - a contemporary Sabrishoʿ worked more upriver, in Hidyab. This Sabrishoʿ is memorialised in the monastery Bet-Qoqa, which will be built when Ishoʿyahb is metropolitan because, as we know, Ishoʿyahb by then had moved to its seat Arbela. Siʿrt #96 handles this one, whose full life starts here: upon which Addai Scher commented.

Ishoʿdnah tells not where either Sabrishoʿ - Bet-Qoqa or the metropolitan - ever became a low-level bishop as per Ishoʿyahb #33. Ishoʿdnah does not relate that Bet-Qoqa ever had ambitions beyond being an excellent monk and saint. As for the metro: Siʿrt fills up space with demonslaying.

If we ignore Siʿrt's silly, then Ishoʿyahb #8 and #33 witness to the career-arc of Sabrishoʿ future metropolitan. He was an abbot then a bishop in Bet-Garmay. Ishoʿyahb does not (yet) speak to the Sabrishoʿ of Bet-Qoqa.

Mabbug and Emesa

It had been Khusro's policy to restore Easterners to the East, at least at Emesa AG 922 (so Thomas, by Mardîn) and at Edessa (so Jacob Philoponos of Edessa).

Later, the Persians had to restore their own armies from the West - Edessa being problematic, but this blogpost needn't worry about that. In their backwash King Heraclius held court at Mabbug (Manbij). He received here the True Cross from general Shahvaraz. Hither the king also convoked an antisynod, inviting Athanasius.

The 1234 refers to "the ecclesiastic history" that this was AG 941 - just before Queen Boran took power across the Euphrates. Michael the Syrian delivers the summary with a roll-call of Athanasius' bishops. These include Mabbug of course; also Tadmur/Palymra, 'Urd, Qinnasrin, Edessa(!), Harran, Arabissos (Afşin), Ephiphania. From Cyrrhus came bishop John; from Emesa, bishop Basil. Severus, Athanasius' brother, came from Samosata; Michael later relates from a "patriarch Denys" - that is, Dionysius I Telmahroyo - of a miracle he performed at Mabbug.

Basil, then, was a Jacobite. The Persians in Emesa either installed the local priest Basil upon its episcopacy or left him there. This they did because the Queen favoured Athanasius' sect, at least up to AG 923 (AD 612) when Gabriel of Sinjar will disgrace himself back home.

By AG 941 the Orient had several new Athanasian sees. None of them sent anybody to Mabbug. Neither, it seems, did Aleppo. This implies those twelve bishops who did come did so at short notice and, perhaps, whilst the Persians were in turmoil.

In Mabbug the King demanded two natures unified in Christ, one will and one energy. Athanasius and most of the bishops with him would not accept this - they thought it sounded too similar to Nestorius. Michael 11.3 reports that the monks of Mabbug and Emesa, however, did accept this. Heraclius was then able to secure at least those episcopacies, including Edessa, along with the Maronites and "the southern regions". Severus retired to a monastery, dying AG 952. Most of the Jacobite ex-bishops returned after Mahmet's Tayyaye overran Syria.

Mar Mattai

No Ishoʿyahb ever mentions that other monastery by Nineveh . . . at least not by its saint, Mar Mattai. Hither came Maruta and hence he... went. Wiki tells me that this is Alfâf.

The life of Ahudemmeh knows of Mar Mattai... alongside Mar Sergius (probably Rusafa) and Sinjar. It tells most (in this saint's afterlife) of Bet-Asa next to the town Aqrunta. One event in life involves shah Khusro I so, that's the AD sixth-century / AG ninth-. Mar Mattai seems an also-ran in these times. At least we know its list of abbots.

Mar John Sedra found Alfâf's monks unpleased with the Eastern Church surrounding them, as of AG 936. There was a lot of dissension up around here by the Edessene border - Hnana of Nisibis being notorious.

Later Guidi's Khuzestan chronicle recalls Sinjar as the worst of the Had-Qnoma ratnests through one Gabriel, bigamist and apostate. This chronicle never mentions Tikrit, "Mar Mattai", or "Alfaf". Now: Gabriel had done his worst work AG 923ish. Gabriel, always good with the ladies, had got Queen Shirin's favour. He, however, may have overreached. Per Siʿrt #88, Sinjar will get a bishopric; but inasmuch as Athanasius didn't say so at the time, I doubt Gabriel got to be a bishop.

Alfâf proved bad. Tikrit proved worse. Maruta was smarter than Gabriel was, and - if Denha be guide - simply better. Heraclius may have been more of a force here than any Persian; if AG 940, the chief Persian was that child Ardashir III.

B-sebyan-Alaha

I've had sort-of the day off work, so here I'll try my hand at tracing the Episcopal Epistles by style. Here we'll look at the valedictions at the end - where we have them, so, not #12.

The end of the first epistle, like the end of the second epistle, and that of the third, end by blessing the recipient each ending "amen". Same with #5, 24.

In other exceptions: #15 is... special. I'll get to that.

Epistle #4 (to Hnanisho', "III") is where I start seeing requests for prayer, that I may be found worthy to spend the rest of my life doing the will of God. I see this again at the end of #11, 13, 16, 18, 22 (profusely), 23, 25, 30, 31, 32. These letters tend to mention Isho'yahb's "debility" or, for #16, his unworthiness. (I see #12 heading in that direction as well.) "Vileness" shows up #22.

#19, which is sniffy, ends "peace-out and, whatever - pray for me" basically. #28, which tells one Lulyan that he's been wrongly addressed, is more polite in its short "pray for me", also expressing personal "imfirmity". #29 is sniffiest of all: "shalme".

#21 is a pep-talk at the end of a correspondence (assumed to have failed): it asks prayers on all those addressed, which list the compiler has deleted from us. #27 is similarly collective.

#14, 17, 20, 26 end that the recipient pray that they self-submit to God's will; such tend to add "stay FIRM in our LORD". (Yeah I know - facetious.) By then I take it that Isho'yahb has made this sebyan-Alaha ending such a tic that he can swing it around to his target.

I mark #15 as the divisor between this bishop's self-confident earlier letters (check the bawlz on #2!), and the later letters where, thusly chastised, he takes care at least to pretend humility. Although much still depends on the addressee.

On Epistle 21

Philip Scott-Moncrieff in "XIX" thought that this referred to the "XVIII" letter to Yazdshapur. In this S-M followed the 'Abbasid-era compiler. The repetition of "shapir" - kalos, in Greek - feels like a wordplay. What we read more explicitly in #21, as S-M intuited, is the shadow of previous correspondence. The compiler may have deemed the other letters redundant.

But this letter went to a plurality of pious men so - pace S-M - not to Yazdshapur. Somewhere around here, also, one Samuel got tossed under the chariot. He might be #32 "XXX"'s priest, who is considering hanging up his stole.

#21 came in the wake of a debate. The debate concerned one who might, otherwise, be called upon to "lay hands". In the Oriental Church as in ours this is the ritual of ordination, by which the Apostolic succession takes place - from Saint Peter himself (the Nestorian would trace inheritance from Antioch). Sometimes bishops got through who would break bad in public, later. Sahdona will become the cause célèbre of Isho'yahb's tenure as metropolitan (nobody suspects Sahdona yet). Isho'yahb on occasion posed objections to poorly-ordained bishops; #40 "XXXVIII" (against one Narsai) goes right to the pope.

The #21 question might have turned over exactly consecration, about the rôle of the Spirit therein. It may be that the subject was considered as a candidate for ordination, but has been questioning the use of holy-water and unction. It might sound Islamic to modern senses, from afar (so to speak), but I don't find "hanputa" nor "mhaggruta" in #21. In those days, for this Church, the bugaboo was Messalianism, real or perceived.

The matter might have improved in the long run for Yazdshapur, at least. He might be the "Shapur" of #24 "XXII" - he cannot be this guy. The "Patriarch", probably a metropolitan, received Shapur's public confession. This letter went to the pope too, approving the deed.

FIEY 4/16/23: E. XXI is not discussed.

Isho'yahb to the pious men

Isho'yahb of Nineveh, letter #21.

To ditto about ditto by ditto: great greetings.

We have judged beautifully, as we have been judged beautifully {Mat 7:2}. But that we have granted nothing to the spirit is not very beautiful, indeed nohow. We are to be blamed - justly - when we lack a certain strength. For when we are entirely sufficient in the contest which has been provided, [we are] long victorious in this matter, although not adorned with the crown itself. Therefore spiritual is the contest, all of you! it is spiritual as is its fruit; and often to be found to blame is anxiety. And how does anyone believe, but by the very spirit, the vision of secret things? And who knows whether, as he blames Samuel, so [he blames] us? Who is accustomed to such things? And this, even should the adversary win presently - who perhaps cannot win, as I still hope.

For how could it be that he who contrary to conscience is the adversary, in manifest matters, of the religion of God; is he who worships God - unless he is overcome by confusion, of which it is spoken also that she is "laden with guilt" {Ben Sira 4:21} and by that [confusion] is carried off as by the force of cowardice to ignominious servitude.

When this aforementioned was relayed to him who was obliged in the matter: as noted I wrote to him not to be called to the laying on of hands, and not only that as noted - but also that it were better for his own good that consecration not be done, should he wish to do that. But if he were to turn aside from the way of the fear of God to stray from sense: he would do well by despising what I have written, that he alone may do what is not fitting to be done.

It is also beautiful for us, from afar only by hearing, to see what is done wrong. Be of good cheer, therefore, in the Lord, you pious men; and if it should happen that an adverse event may occur to somebody, put away from you the scandal that would in every way arise from such things; when you will remember that we are the dust that is proud today and will be scattered shortly after. Pray that we may be worthy of mercy at all times and that the grace of God may guide us wherever.

On Epistle 2

Bishop Ishoʿyahb wrote one letter, preserved to us, to Babay The Great after a long career fighting for Nestorian Orthodoxy. Luckily we own all of it (Epistle 1 is what we're short on). Scott-Moncrieff did well with "I"; it's barely worth translating further.

As to the purpose of this letter: it reads like an exhortation for Mar Babay to take up the Catholicate or at least not to retire. External enemies are stalking the Earth like ravening lions, as they always are in the Christian mind; now, some Nestorians grumble internally as well. Ishoʿyahb presents himself Babay's loyal son. That Ishoʿyahb hasn't left this to the Metropolitans, and hasn't claimed any backup from his superiors, is a sad habit of this man, always going over their heads. Still, it doesn't seem like the sort of letter one would write if a Catholicos ruled from the Mahoze. Ishoʿyahb of Gdala is bishop still - maybe not even a metro'.

This #2 is about the most firmly-datable letter in the stack: AD 628, under Shiroë.

FIEY 4/16/23: E. II is summarised ch. III, p. 316 in French.

Isho'yahb to Babay of Izla

[ed. Isho'yahb of Nineveh, letter 2]

But if the action of virtue, O Father, would triumph in every generation with a fitting glory, it would be an easy task for her, even for those who use the strength of the weak in the fight of war, because that glorification of many [deeds] of valor afforded an increase in the strength of those weakened by their zeal; and the triumph of the victory was of the truth alone, and not of its ministers. But now, with every danger from external enemies, a long time ago also a murmuring was added by those familiar to us; and with these is the infirmity of the human intellect joined in hard times, what has befallen them in general affliction and when the evil of disobedience has invaded many and has now received the fitting end of the saying of the Apostle "In the future people will be selfish" {2 Tim 3:2} and the rest of that sentence and many other things, which have been preached by the Holy Spirit for many generations, are now being completed in fact by the children of disobedience, and it may seem difficult to establish on account of them the prosperity of our faith: What glory, then, will he not possess who, through storms of despair, leads the ship of faith at the helm of his preaching, and fills his city with abundant food from the business of spiritual life?

For when the solicitude of your zeal had conquered the danger of such barbaric storms for many years, O most holy Father, without means you were able to expose all the very satanic deceits of the corporeal demons, for by this name it seems to me that the impious should be called. Even the prince of the air, with his extraordinary nature he had obtained in his creation from the good Creator; yet his impiety toward God acquired this name. For this reason, even the heirs of that rebellion take away from them the inheritance of that name. Such then are the depraved demons, and the enemies of truth, and the stupid and unruly companions of their malice; And as He consumed with the brightness of his flame the stubble, the ungodliness of their daring, without offense, He made a step in the way of truth to those whom He pleases to take pleasure in the light of the glory of Christ's gospel. Out of the midst of the battle against the enemy, from the murmuring of familiar people, and the glory of your zeal at every necessary time, you must be glorified with praise from God: by his grace let him exalt your honor to the comfort of his faithful for many years, amen.

The Nisibene thief

Siʿrt inserts, between #100 on Rabban Theodore and #101 on the Arabs, this note:

At this point the people of Nisibin revolted against Cyriacos their metropolitan. They accused him of the Malkiya. So they requested of Ishoʿyahb [II] to depose this man. But the metropolitan proved tractable and smoothed over the situation with the faithful, pledging to abandon that for which they had reproached him. But the origin of their animosity against him was for his excessive love for silver and for the world, and his taste for amassing riches.

I went for the Arabic "Malkiya"; this must refer to Queen Boran's embassy to the only male malka at the time, who was Heraclius. That embassy was controversial out in Old Susa, so - why not closer to home. Of course this same accusation would bleed over to Mar Paul of Arbela, to Mar Gabriel of Kirkuk and all the way up to the Catholicos himself.

After Queen Boran, Nisibis becomes the seat of anti-shah Hormizd. Hormizd lost out to Yazdegird; then, after AG 947 we may assume, to the Arabophone amirs. Note here Guidi's Khuzestan #38 - not my translation:

Quryaqos of Nisibis passed away, and out of their hatred towards him, the citizens of Nisibis accused his disciples before the Emir of the city. He sent and imprisoned them, and Quryaqos' cell was plundered, as was the metropolitan treasury of Nisibis. In Quryaqos' cell they found objects and all sorts of woven garments, silks and gold lampstands, such as are quite unsuitable for disciples of Christ.

Between AD 630 and 636(ish) the bishop Ishoʿyahb, based in Nineveh, had got himself involved in Nisibis. This involvement was a direct involvement. As previously noted none of his episcopal letters mention Mar Paul; to the extent they answer to anybody it's to Gabriel, or (gingerly) to their mutual pope.

Bishop Ishoʿyahb's Nisibene corpus runs 27, 41, 42, 45, 47 - which is a lot, for a city that's outside the entire Zab watershed. I haven't translated any of this; Scott-Moncrieff summarises them XXV, XXXIX, XL, XLIII, XLV. The local Christians, through "Moses the Priest", beg the foreign bishop for food aid. Ishoʿyahb cannot even believe his eyes, because Nisibis is supposed to be rich. Possibly alongside this, Ishoʿyahb contacts Cyriacos directly mainly about how Cyriacos shouldn't mess with the election of a bishop for Balad between them (where the Catholicos had been bishop!). The last two letters, one to Moses and one to Cyriacos, promise to send food.

After all this mess, pope Ishoʿyahb II assigned Barsauma, some academic from al-Hira, to be Nisibis' metropolitan. But Nisibis, er, never accepted him. It will not be until this Ishoʿyahb dies and Marammeh becomes Catholicos that they will accept a new metro' - Isaac. (Metropolitan Ishoʿyahb will write to Isaac #32 and again as Catholicos himself #1.) The scandal overall echoed down the ages; Sebastian Brock noticed in 1971 (10.1484/J.ABOL.4.02898) that Cyriacos and Barsauma (and Isaac) went absent from Fiey's diptych such that Cyriacos and Isaac had to be restored from Mingana syr. 564 copied from Vosté 150. I think even John bar Penkaye has this scandal in mind.

Isho'yahb's Bible

John bar Penkaye, clergyman of the Eastern Church, owned a Biblical canon. If he knew any text, it was in Syriac as of the middle AD 680s. (He'd say: 60s, by the "Tayyaye" reckoning. He doesn't use AG.) Here is Mar Emmanuel from f. 47a of his copy:

the five books of the Torah, Joshua, the Book of Judges, Samuel, the Psalms of David, The Proverbs of Solomon, Qohelet, the Song of Songs, the Wisdom of Ben Sira, Job, the Book of Kings, Isaiah the Prophet, the Twelve [minor prophets], Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel, Ezra, Baruch, Judith, Ruth, Esther, and the three Books of the Maccabees

John also used Josephus but not as "5 Maccabees", G-d forbid. We aren't told if "Ezra" extends to 1 Esdras or Nehemiah or any other Ezra apocalypse; we aren't told how much Baruch; we aren't told how much Daniel. As for 1-2 Chronicles, er. Is that part of "Ezra"?

I was pondering Isho'yahb III's Bible a generation prior. Rubens Duval offers a Scripture Index, as to that. Here is the Torah and Judges but not Joshua. 1 Samuel is cited as well as 2 Kings, so we can assume 1-2 Samuel and 1-2 Kings, whether they be split like Bar Penkaye implies or bundled all together as "Reigns" like in the Greek. The Psalms are 11 then 31, 34, 36 (he likes this one), 44, 55, 67, 93, 102, 105, 125-7, 141, 144. Proverbs, Ecclesiastes / Qohelet, Job... Ben Sira. Then the major Prophets: Isaiah, Jeremiah including Lamentations, Ezekiel. Daniel 3 and 7:10, so we'll just assume whatever the New Testament quotes, not from the Greek. Only Hosea 4:9 from the Twelve Minor. No Chronicles, no Ezra-Nehemiah.

On to the New Testament. John bar Penkaye doesn't state his references. I assume he preferred the Peshitta over Sahdona's Old-Syriac. Mar Emmanuel doesn't find where John cites 2-3 John, 2 Peter, or Jude... or the Revelation. As for Isho'yahb before him, Isho'yahb didn't cite Philemon, any of the Johannine Epistles, or 2 Peter. But.

Rubens Duval found at least a parallel, between end of Metropolitan Isho'yahb's #11 and Jude 25 / Revelation 7:12. So Duval, for Whom are kingship (malkuta) and power (shultana) and virtue (hayla) and glory (teshbohta) in heaven and earth, now and always (hasha wab-kulzaben) and aeon on aeons ('alm-'almen), amen. That literal doxology, for Jude, went: glory, greatness, power, authority from all aeons to all aeons; for John of Patmos: praise, glory, wisdom, thanksgiving, honor, power, strength to aeon of aeons.

These are not the only doxologies in the New Testament however. I find 1 Timothy 1:17 to the King (malka) ... be honor and glory (teshbohta) forever and ever. Amen. Also 1 Peter 4:11 which flips teshbohta first.

What we have here is simple hymnody, which floated around the Syrians in the seventh century as it had floated among the Greeks in the first.

On the first Metropolitan(?) epistle

This one was loooong, hence why I left more word-salad in there than usual.

It is listed first of the Metropolitan epistles. I find difficult to assume that; Ishoʿyahb here writes as an old friend to Marammeh, and as a brother to all the clergy and people of the town. The word "metropolitan" would then suffice to cause this letter to drift ahead. The ʿAbbasi-era compiler would likely respond that this message had more force were its author of higher clout at the time. If it be Ninevene it were one of the last letters thence so belongs alongside #50. That further prompts to reconsider Siʿrt #108.

The letter teaches a few things among the babble. Marammeh is, indeed, replacing a Metropolitan Bishop - one John; further, John was not killed in the Arab attack. Scott-Moncrieff does not summarise this letter but he did read ahead such that he'd seen the name (to misplace it into "L"). It may be that Abu Musa, sending Abraham the Metropolitan of the Furat in front of him, cut a good deal for the Christians of that town, perhaps only extorting a modest mdatta. It was the stress of it all which knocked John down.

SUBTEXT 3/12: Here's the next letter. Ishoʿyahb in #1 is repairing the bridge he'd burned, although by God's grace not burned down. Maremmeh likely took #52 poorly, as the backhanded blessing it was.

FIEY 4/15/23: M. I is summarised ch. V, p. 15 in French. Fiey holds this one to the Metro series, where I'd pull it back.

Isho'yahb introduces Maremmeh to Bet-Lapat

[ed. Isho'yahb of Adiabene, letter 1]

To my God-loving brothers, caste clergy and faithful people and all those in the holy Church of city Bet-Lapat, of the metropolis for the Huzaye, Isho'yahb your brother salutes in the name of our Lord.

A work of envy worthy of the fear of God which is in you, beloved brethren, now it happens: but truly it has not happened except that it was well administered by divine providence to incite the common faith and strengthen the hope of those who wait for the Lord. For since this holy and venerated father, a sincere portrait of the priestly life, beloved of memory, father Mar John, bishop, great metropolitan, the way of universal nature you sent to heaven, and you have mingled spiritually in the highest ranks above the body, then you would not have allowed human thoughts to prevail like other men, to a good invention, which by its excellence may keep you the rest of hope in all good commemorations, the things that are stuck in you by him who works beautifully, he shone and departed to heaven. Therefore, you did not explore the earth to find the heir to his piety, but when you directed the hope of your faith toward heaven, you considered worthy of the Lord's right hand to receive the most precious gift and equal to the praise of your faith.

For you have most wisely placed the consent of your will in the hands of the fountain of piety, the man of God, our father the most holy Catholic patriarch, and from him, as if from the tree of life you meant to pick off the life-giving fruit. But by the motion of the Spirit of God he had turned the branches of his thoughts from our Sinai that is, from the habitation of spiritual struggles, from the midst of the fire of the heavenly life, from the first order of the Lord of hosts, approved in due time and honored in order of those who are beautifully completed in perfections sweet fruit and adorned with pleasant beauty he plucked them and stretched them out with his father's hand to you at a distance. Therefore, disregarding the care and honor of all of us, he made a gift so precious to you that we envy you. He deprived the great seat of our region from future hope, and left he who is now captivated by desire mourning over this thing.

Is he perhaps your only father, he who has been trained to foster all the wings of his kindness? But lest we be envious in this wonderful man. It was necessary that the fair demand be sufficient to allow the fair demand; that is, to you who flew afar off through the wings of your god you raped his most beloved sons by him, and by the unseen hands you dragged him to an unaccustomed distance. The leaders of the regiment of spiritual fighters have left our country in misery. However, with the help of God, we may look at the beauty of your faith beautifully. And yet we have the opportunity to rejoice in your joy when you excel in the Lord. However, what we see is better in spirit when the Assyrians and 'Elam are united in one body as if in one mystical spirit.

With our hands and tongues, then, we grant to you the love of our soul while we entrust this brother as consecrated to our Lord and by the word of his grace that in spiritual harmony you may receive a spiritual man, whose maternal honor was painted in his name, which he raised a little higher by the will of the prophet. One of the sons of the Church promised to raise him up to the universal mother. The other figures in the prophetic name to be the lord of his mother. But what is our difference to examine the types of names and to give the allegorical name to the name of Maremmeh, since he himself possesses the ecclesiastical elements and the first principles from which the priestly body is composed; which proof will he show you when it will please the Lord.

For you know, brothers and friends, that the priestly body is composed entirely of four virtues, as though it were the four former principles: faith, morals, doctrine, mind. Virtually all these have within themselves the whole sum of virtues and they pour out the spiritual life, as it were, the soul into the ecclesiastical body. For faith is the foundation of spiritual life, when it fails We can neither live nor share in the hope of heavenly promises. But morals are spiritual nourishment, which guards the life of faith in the spiritual mind; And just as we can neither live without nourishment nor be nourished without life, so also neither can faith be without morals mores can live by faith. But again it is absolutely necessary for a faithful man and possessing spiritual morals that by opening his mouth he may send out the word of truth (orthodox) which is collected from the spiritual theorizing of all the divine books and from the whole doctrine of the saints then he will collect all the subtleties of his thoughts in the snare of these things. I am, and will bind under the heel of his tongue all the glory of the imposters, that what is written may happen to him at all times "Let him have a sound and blameless word". Again, the perfection of a man is most fitting in these virtues, the great principle of perfect perfection which adorns all speeds; which, according to the norm of the divine type, arranges the entire ministry of outstanding works. But who does not know that the ordering of all the rational faculties is to receive the honor which befits the mind? But in the mind I say which, if he agrees with the most remarkable achievements, he can make them more distinguished; but if he adheres to the lesser, he can acquire the appearance of honor and he always repulses the contempt for which he confers on a most honorable good a place.

These, therefore, are the elements of a letter honoring the priestly body in whom, as in a fair balance friends and brothers, the priest whom you have acquired is beautifully perfect. Possess and retain a divine gift corresponding to it with praise and zealous love. Bless the steward of this gift, as the great prefect of the great house of God, who sent to you from the flesh Seraphim who are within the Holy of Holies a diligent minister to be likened to charity. When you are worthy to prove his virtues, There will be little programs that I wanted to show you in a letter with the hope of a demonstration. Neither the letter nor the word nor are any other persuasions of this kind breath equal to his excellence alone, when it will please the Lord to offer his proof to your eagerness.

So it would be a beautiful thing, friends and brothers, a beautiful thing so that when in the spirit of your faith you will enjoy such communion you receive the mystery offer thanksgiving to the helper of all in the understanding of your mind, and the prince of holiness, who "took away the rest from the spirit upon him" as it is written, and he completed his spiritual prefect anointed and sent, you may receive blessing in remembrance of your prayers; so that I may choose to place me in the lowest part of those who are well recounted by you in the common speech, so that perhaps I may find mercy in the sight of God, and may be worthy of salvation by grace.

Please, I beg you, your love, so that not long after the accomplishment of your hope and after you have received this gift from the right hand of divine mercy, and you will enjoy it You write that what is becoming spiritual charity is becoming a weakness; apprised I will rejoice and thank God.

An episcoponomicon of AD 605

Most of the "minutes" of the Oriental synods ended up stored in Alqosh 169. This has been copied, edited, and translated into French and German.

It doesn't include anything from AD 612 to AD 676 (this last, at Diren, is famous). So we cannot check upon Thomas of Marga's claims especially about AD 628, under Shiroë which restored the Catholicate. Also AD 612 wasn't the sort of synod as decided anything; it was a debate which "Victorious Khusro" (i.e. Parwez) put on between the bishops of the Eastern Church and some of the Had-Qnoma. (Tikrit didn't yet have a "Maphrian".)

That MS offers a census of which bishops. Siʿrt #86 and Khuzestan #16 describe the same event. These are Gabriel of Sinjar on one side, and on the other Yonadab metropolitan of Hadiab, Shubhalmaran of Karka d-Beth Slokh, Giwargis from mount Izla and the bishop of Narargul, and Sergios of Kashkar originally from Tel-Pahhare. To be noted, they're all northern-Iraqis. Probably how it ended up in an Alqosh MS and also Siʿrt; southern collections will collect southern concerns. We should count ourselves lucky that the Huzaye found this of interest.

Ishoʿdnah #58 tells that Khusro exiled Shubhalmaran on account of his quarrel with Gabriel; #57 that George will end up a martyr. Sergios of Kashkar may become the disciple of Mar Jacob; either may be the doctor who will become so great a friend to Ishoʿyahb of Nineveh.

Siʿrt #83 includes a similar list, in the anathema against Hnana of Nisibis. It's northern too... hence, Nineveh-Siʿrt, I guess. This anathema rolled out implicitly earlier because George is still here. But not much earlier.

The Synodicon does however float the list for AD 605 not long before these. I don't recognise names, myself... except for that indefatiguable Jonadab of Arbela, metropolitan of Adiabene. Jonadab will survive as the senior partner to Gabriel of Garmay and Cyriacus of Nisibin. Whether Arbela's status as a metropolitan see will survive Jonadab, I know not. (Isho'yahb's letters from Nineveh tend to vault over Arbela to fall upon Kirkuk and Seleucia.)

As far as anything else, Pherat has a metropolitan for the Mayshan district. In AD 605 he's Joseph; in AD 637ish - says Chase Robinson - he'll be the ill-fated Abraham. Kirkuk has the metro' for Beth Garmay, of course; in AD 605 he's Boktishoʿ, AD 612 probably Shubhalmaran and he'll be Gabriel later. Everyone else AD 605 is just a bishop, among whose sees some names will show up later: Karka d-Ledan, Shushtre (hey, Chabot caught the syame!), Hormizd-Ardashir (=Ahwaz), Shush (=Old Susa; under Jacob now Barsauma later). As you can see for this the south shows up; with a few missing links starting at Bet-Lapat. From the north conspicuous no-shows include Nineveh - and Nisibis. I actually would have admitted a mpashqana rather than a metropolitan from that university town, but . . .

If Bet-Lapat was not even a see then, at this time, I expect the Christians of the Bet-Huzaye answered to Pherat d-Maysan.