Now I'm inquiring into Queen Boran's embassy. I am directed this time to the Khuzestan Chronicle (edited by Guidi) and to the much later Arabic Siʿrt.
Start with Khuzestan #35. Note, I did not translate this!! I found it in 2016 in the Council of Ex Muslims of Britain online forum. I knew next to no Syriac at the time as you know. SO CREDIT TO CEMB if to anyone.
The Persians then made Buran, Sheroi’s wife, sovereign. When she came to the throne she wisely sent the Catholicos Mar Ishoʿyahb to Heraclius to make peace for her with him. He was accompanied by Quryaqos [Cyriacus] of Nisibis, Gabriel of Karka in Beth Garmai, and Marutha of Gustra. They were received amidst great joy by the king Heraclius, and he did all that they wanted. Buran, Sheroi’s wife, who ruled over the Persians, was eventually strangled.
Now Siʿrt #93... for which I suppose I'll mostly credit Google, from the French:
Whilst the empire of Persia was agitated by troubles, Boran daughter of Kosrau Parwez and sister of Shiroë, occupied the throne, because there remained of the royal family no male child who had attained manhood. The people rejoiced at this advent. She sent her followers to rule the provinces: she had dinars and drachmas minted in her name. Fearing to be attacked by the emperor of the Greeks, she asked the Catholicos Ishoʿyahb [II] to go to the Emperor to bring his message for the renewal of the truce, according to the custom of previous kings. It was thus that Yazdegerd [II] had sent Yahbalaha as an embassy to Theodosius the Younger; likewise Acacius was sent by Balas on an embassy to the Emperor Zeno; likewise Paul, Metropolitan of Nisibis, was sent by Kavad's son Kosrau himself, to Justinian Emperor of the Greeks.
Ishoʿyahb granted Boran's request; he went full of honor and accompanied by metropolitans and bishops. He found the emperor of the Greeks at Aleppo; he entered near him and handed him the letter; then he presented him with the gifts he had brought. Heraclius was surprised to learn that a woman had obtained the crown, and he marveled at the superiority of the catholicos, at his intelligence, insight, and science. Having asked him about his belief, he expounded it to him, and discovered to him, manifested, published and declared that his profession of faith was the same as that of The [Nicene] 318. He also wrote to him the profession of faith of Saint Mar Nestorius . . .
{ADDITION 2/14] Oops, also the Majdal on Ishoʿyahb II (Latin), following Shiroë:
After his death, Boran bint Khusro reigned, because she was only one left of the royal family, to great joy as signs of His abundant grace. She struck coins with her name; and she sent, given letters to the Romans, Ishoʿyahb the patriarch, to the emperor. He and Ishoʿyahb met at Aleppo, and he delivered the letters to him: upon receipt, the emperor was greatly astonished that the kingdom had been conveyed to a woman. Soon he was overjoyed at the arrival of the patriarch, and was delighted with the humane doctrine and faith which [Ishoʿyahb] had laid down; in all which the patriarch had undertaken to settle with him they held sufficient, and he asked him to perform the rites in order to receive the Eucharist from [Ishoʿyahb's] hand, which he did, and delivered him a written contract of faith, and soon after, under one general of the Citadel, all the patricians also received the Eucharist from his hand.
It all looks like (independent Arabic translations of) a real Syriac account of the proceedings. Majdal and Siʿrt agree that Ishoʿyahb went on to expound some dogma. [UPDATE 3/26: JM Fiey notes additionally Hamza al-Isfahanī, Tarīkh sinī mulūk al-arḍ, 18: the wood of the Cross was returned. UPDATE 2/15: There exists antidogma.] Sadly I do not see in either of these a list of the metropolitans much less bishops who came along.
Thomas of Marga ascribed an earlier summit to Shiroë himself. Thomas also, despite placing this around the tenure of Ishoʿyahb II, casts all this as a life of the next Ishoʿyahb. As long as Thomas is talking Ishoʿyahb II the base list of dignitaries is: Cyriacus, Paul metro' of Adiabene, and Gabriel of "the Seleucian Karka" in what-won't-be-"Garamig"-for-long. This ends the Greeks... received their assembly and their petition as if they had been the angels of God
so, everyone agrees this is the same event.
Although there may have been multiple events. Also to be considered is Thomas at Mardîn for AG 940 - when Shahvaraz was Patrikios. That also seems Shiroë-Ardashir III. Shahvaraz will then make himself shah but get murdered himself, after which Boran rules. Plus Shahvaraz' summit took place in a mountain pass, not Aleppo. The 1234 Chronicle #44 likely witnesses to the same Shahvaraz summit although implying AG 941 when he was shah. It is reasonable that first comes the military armistice and then - after Edessa is quelled - any overtures to some common basis of thought.
Boran had a hiccup late AD 630 / early AG 942 when her sister took away some important chunks of Iraniraq for a few months, but it all looks like this summit went out during her first uncontested reign; Mar Athanasius is still antipope in the west but he's presently indisposed. On the Queen's mind will be his legacy to the east. Maruta's Tikrit will matter, maybe not yet, but the Had-Qnoma mattered. Boran needed a calm Christendom at home and peace with Christendom abroad.
Thomas knows Cyriacus of Nisibis and Gabriel of Kirkuk from a letter they wrote in tandem with the previous Arbelene, cited #1.27. This blog knows Gabriel from #44/49 ("XLVII" etc being wrong because Gabriel is not based at Tikrit, durrh!) then in Thomas' misplaced #2.33 memra by Gabriel alone about Bet-'Abe. Isho'yahb will never write to any metropolitan of Hidyab but will (or has) once address/ed the malpana Daniel at Arbela. This blog shall say much more on that dirty thief Cyriacus. As for Kirkuk, that town is to become the Holy See after Sa'd bin Abi Waqqas plunders the life out of al-Mada'in, making Arbela important again. But anyway.
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